BLACK PRESIDENT, Chapter 53. Explicit photos of a Kennedy figures in, as Jackson Little's political future hangs in the balance.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zDFE8U-4vh8

CHAPTER FIFTY-THREE

JUNE 10, 2010

The battle in Congress over the drug-testing provision of the Reparations Bill had been a hard-fought one, dragging on for almost a year. Some liberal-leaning politicians contended that the idea of testing was belittling to Black people and smacked of racism. At one point in the proceedings, John Little whispered to his brother, ‘Looks like they want us niggers to stay stoned into the next Millennium!’

‘Would Whites in the same situation have been required to take the tests?’ a senator argued. While most agreed probably not, it was Senator Little who made the clearest point in the debate.

‘Gentlemen and ladies. Thank you for giving me the floor.’ Jackson paused dramatically, shuffling his papers before continuing. ‘Why is the United States government considering an outlay of four trillion dollars over the next four years to some of its citizens? It is considering this action because of the abuse of a certain segment of the population, which for over two hundred years manifested itself in a multitude of ways, all of which were intertwined. Being second-class, even third-class citizens . . . negroes . . . African-Americans . . . Blacks . . . niggers . . . we’re subjected to physical abuse, mental abuse, economic abuse, all contributing to low self-esteem – the doubting of one’s worth as a human being. We’re talking about psychological pain here, my fellow senators. And how do you remove pain that’s trapped in your soul?’

Senator Little lowered his voice to repeat the question. ‘How do you remove the pain? You don’t . . . for very long. Black people have a history of drug abuse because drugs help remove that pain. And it can be argued, and proven, that drugs were introduced into the Black ghettos by White suppliers, those individuals who milked our neighbors of many a hard-earned dollar. American Blacks have been unknowing pawns in the spread of drugs in America since the very beginning.’

Senator Little resisted naming names, and fingering certain government agencies that he knew had run drugs from South America and elsewhere for over forty years, amassing cash for their secret operations.

‘The Reparations Bill is designed to help those who need it to get back on their feet, make a new start. The money can clear old bills, secure mortgages, help kids go to college, give a positive signal to our Black youth in the inner cities. But make no mistake about it, all this good work will be erased by drug dependency. If you don’t initial this drug provision into law then you might as well write the checks to the drug lords themselves, right now!’

Despite Jackson’s impassioned plea, the tally was very close, with just one vote finally determining the victory of the 2008 Reparations Bill. But the drug provision was soundly defeated – and, just as Jackson Little had predicted, once the money was dispersed there were rampant overdoses in Black communities. Hospitals from coast to coast were inundated with drug-related emergencies, including many fatalities. The 911 phone lines, emergency hospital facilities, police departments, fire departments, morgues, and funeral parlors struggled to provide the needed services. But out of the fracas, the name Jackson Little emerged as someone who had the interests of the disenfranchised at heart, and could deliver on a promise. Suddenly he was a national figure, whose name was being mentioned for top political positions, including the Presidency.

With his brother John as campaign manager, Senator Jackson Little of Illinois ran in the Democratic Presidential primaries of 2011. But while his solid Black following had propelled him to the front. The problem was that there had been little to distinguish the two Democratic front-runners. Both were for the same social programs, free school lunches, tax incentives for the needy, guaranteed loans for college, reduction of the nuclear arsenal, more protection for the wilderness, and other liberal planks painted as backward by the Republicans. Columnists wrote about the ‘generation gap’, how the fifty-somethings who were born after the mid-fifties were hard-hearted ‘boot-strappers’ who believed that the weak of society needed less coddling.

Those born earlier favored the values of their hippie days, tending toward re-evaluating their lives in spiritual terms, relying more on the power of healing from rock and roll oldies than church sermons. They revived catchphrases from songs like ‘Can’t get no satisfaction’ and ‘This is the end . . . my friend’ to counteract the religious right, who believed in military action, convinced that in a tough world tough measures were needed to stem the tide of terrorism. Few understood that Bush, himself, had incited most of the rebellions he had supposedly quashed during his two terms in office. Just as before, secret offshore bank accounts swelled with profits from drugs, oil, military arms, and manufacturing. The American public had been duped once again.

In San Francisco, Joe Kennedy II Jr. was assured by his campaign manager that he would be chosen as the Democratic nominee for 2012. Then, just before the convention, a bombshell dropped in his lap. A courier delivered a manila folder to the front desk of the Fairmount Hotel, then disappeared out the front entrance. In his hotel room, Kennedy slid out explicit photos and audiotape, graphic evidence of his father’s affair with Marilyn Monroe. The attached note asked him if he was prepared to see the images run on national TV. Even if he managed to persuade the public the photos were doctored, digital abominations created by cut-and-paste on a computer, the damage would still be done. Joe Jr thought of his kids, the Kennedy clan, and considered giving up. It was clear that someone in the Republican camp had access to long-secret materials. What else did they have? Joe Jr had heard the rumors of Monroe and JFK. Beautiful women, wealth, and power all rode with the Kennedy flag. But as he stared down at the image of his father and Marilyn, their adulterous relationship became a sordid, shameful thing.

If Joe Jr. dropped out of the race, he knew that would propel Jackson Little, a man seemingly without political baggage, to the forefront. Little wouldn’t have to contend with the Kennedy past, thought Joe Jr innocently, be dragged down into the muck when the enemy really got down and dirty. What other embarrassing revelations could the opposition unearth? Did they have photos of JFK screwing Marilyn as well?

It took just two more mailings by the CIA OP to completely extinguish Joe Kennedy Jr’s presidential aspirations. In the second package to arrive, he saw pictures of his Presidential uncle, Jack, having sexual intercourse with two women at once, one Black and one White, a graphic threesome caught on film at Sinatra’s and Giancana’s Cal-Neva lodge. The final blow was hearing the audiotape of his father and Marilyn Monroe, first having sex and then talking . . . discussing his mother Ethel – Bobby laughing about his wife’s disdain for creative sex.

After much consideration and soul-searching, Joe Kennedy Jr. threw in the towel.

‘Joe Kennedy Jr. Out Of Race’ ran the oversized headline in the New York Times, citing the standard ‘for personal reasons’.

Sarah and Rudy had figured on staying home in Chicago, comfortably watching the San Francisco Democratic convention on their high-definition television set. But with the sudden news that Jackson might be selected to represent the Party in some major capacity, they felt the need to offer their support in-person. That evening, after pasting in the latest Chicago Sun-Times articles, Sarah closed her thirteenth journal and prayed hard, hugging the book to her breast.

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